Week 5 of the war, Trump claims the U.S. military’s nuclear-weapon targets have been met, and he expects to withdraw from Iran within 2 to 3 weeks. The Homs Strait blockade issue remains unresolved, oil prices are still high, and a “fight and leave” war has left behind aftermath that is difficult to sort out.
(Background briefing: NYT: Hundreds of U.S. special operations forces have already arrived in the Middle East, with Navy SEALs poised to take the lead in seizing Iran’s nuclear facilities)
(Background add-on: Trump’s “bomb everything around until the target is accomplished” remarks urging Iran to surrender; more than 200 cruise ships at risk in the Persian Gulf; the ECB warns that dollar safe-haven demand is failing)
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In week 5 of the war, Trump tossed a bombshell directly to reporters at the White House: U.S. forces are expected to end their military operations against Iran within 2 to 3 weeks. The nuclear-weapon targets have already been achieved, and the withdrawal is only a matter of time.
On April 1, Trump said at a White House press conference, “I want to say within two weeks, maybe two weeks, maybe three weeks. We’ll leave, because we have no reason to keep doing this.” His tone was casual, as if he were not talking about a war that was still underway, but a business trip that was about to end.
Trump spelled out the sole objective of this war: making it impossible for Iran to ever produce nuclear weapons. He said, “I only have one goal—they can’t have nuclear weapons, and that goal has been achieved.”
As for regime change, Trump deliberately separated it from that objective: “We’ve already experienced a regime change. Now, regime change is not one of the goals I set.” This suggests that the fall of the Tehran government is a byproduct of the war rather than a strategic goal that Washington openly admits—at least in diplomatic rhetoric, Trump chose to distance himself.
He added further conditions for withdrawal: “When we feel that they’ve been forced back to the Stone Age, unable to produce nuclear weapons, whether or not we reach an agreement, we will leave.” In other words, whether negotiations happen does not affect the decision to withdraw.
Despite his tough tone, Trump did not close the door on diplomacy. He said, “We might be able to reach an agreement before this, because we will hit the bridges—we’ve already hit some, and in our minds there are a few nice bridges left. But if they’re willing to sit down at the negotiating table, that would be a good thing.”
The logic here is clear: bombing bridges is leverage, not the goal. The faster negotiations happen, the fewer bridges will be bombed. Trump also admitted that Iran’s willingness to reconcile is stronger than his own: “They want to achieve an agreement more than I do.”
Bloomberg reported that Trump’s impatience with the war effort against Iran has become increasingly obvious, as he accelerates planning an exit timeline—echoing his public statements at the White House.
However, the postwar mess does not disappear just because the U.S. withdraws. On the question of passage through the Homs Strait, Trump simply shrugged it off to other countries. He implied that the U.S. has no intention of continuing to stand guard for the global energy lifeline after withdrawing, and the responsibility for reopening the strait would be handled by the countries that need it.
This stance hit energy markets. In the U.S., domestic gasoline prices have climbed to $4 per gallon. Trump’s response was to tell other countries to “go find the oil themselves”—a single line that pushed away all allies who were relying on Middle East crude.
For cryptocurrency markets, the evolution of geopolitical risk in the Middle East influences risk-hedging sentiment. Since the war began, the dollar’s safe-haven status has been shaken, and Bitcoin has, during some periods, played the role of an alternative safe haven. If U.S. forces withdraw on schedule, whether the market will return to a risk-on pattern still needs to be seen, depending on the progress of negotiations and the actual passability of the Homs Strait.
From day one, Trump positioned this war as a “mission-based” operation rather than an “occupation-based” one. With nuclear-weapon targets achieved, a countdown to withdrawal begins, regime change is treated as a side result, and the oil corridor is someone else’s problem. The logic is internally consistent, but for regional stability, the unanswered questions left behind far outnumber the answers.
Whether the Iranian government truly “goes back to the Stone Age,” when the Homs Strait will return to normal passage, and who will fill the power vacuum in the Middle East after the Iranian era—these will be the three variables most closely watched by markets and the diplomatic circle over the next 2 to 3 weeks, and even in the months after withdrawal.